Laibacher Deutscher after the Congress of Laibach

Behind the scenes of the Congress of Laibach (modern day Ljubljana), a dance form called Deutscher came into existence and for a decade remained, in a specific local version, the most popular dance of bourgeois circles. This paper sheds light on the phenomenon of the Laibacher Deutscher within a broad social and cultural context and political background.


Introduction
Some European social dance forms, such as the Allemande, the Anglaise, the Ecossaise, or the Polonaise, indicate in their naming both their geographical origins as well as their interwovenness with the character of the local population of a given land. 1 Geographical classification has been maintained over the centuries in written sources as an important attribute of social dances, and the association of some dances with towns has also been noteworthy. In this respect, the Viennese Waltz, which began its triumphal march more than two hundred years ago, is certainly the most significant. Coinciding with the waltz is the emergence of the hitherto largely overlooked Laibacher Deutscher, which, unlike its giddy and at that time still young competitor, can be described as both an attempt at restoration and an epilogue to one of Europe's oldest social dances, the German Dance. Its two representative forms, the Laibacher Redout-Deutscher and the Laibacher Schießstatt-Deutscher, performed in Ljubljana's dance halls in the decade after the Congress of Laibach, provided the educated classes with a useful opportunity to consolidate their affiliation to German bourgeois culture.

The German Dance: an Enigma in Dance History
Despite the fact that for centuries the German Dance has appeared in the sources under various names, to this day, this chapter of European dance history remains poorly researched and undefined. The term Deutscher (a freestanding adjective of Deutscher Tanz) is used to refer to a social dance in triple time, often found in the towns of southern Germany and the Habsburg domains in the second half of the eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth century. 2 The expression can therefore also be applied to the Laibacher Deutscher.
Neither the primary sources nor the scholarly literature provide a unified conception of the phenomenon of the German Dance, giving the impression of a historical disconnection between this dance form and the earlier sixteenthcentury Allemande. Of course, the German Dance has evolved significantly over the centuries, but the roots of the Deutscher appear to be traceable to the sixteenth century, or perhaps to an even earlier period. The fact that the term Deutscher Tanz has often been used generically also causes confusion and misunderstanding: it was used as a superordinate term for a range of dances from the German-speaking 1 Joan Rimmer, "Allemande, Balletto and Tanz, " Music & Letters 70, no. 2 (1989) The term Allemande also appears in this context, but this is not meant to refer to the instrumental musical form of the eighteenth century, nor to the Allemande, a French dance of the eighteenth century. On the contrary, the Allemande is merely a more genteel name which also found favour on the broad European music market. 3 This extreme flexibility and openness in titling of dance compositions is a common cause for incertitude and misapprehension. 4

Choreographic Elements of the German Dance
Dancers previously trained in the steps of the minuet and the complex sequence of figures of the contredanse apparently mastered the Deutscher swiftly and effortlessly, requiring no special instruction. The Deutscher is thus not explained in dance manuals. Brief references to choreographic structures are occasionally found in dance treatises, but these seldom originate from the geographical environment or time period in question and thus rarely prove useful.
Some brief pointers are given, for example, in the Erweiterung der Kunst nach der Chorographie zu tanzen [...], published in 1772 by Carl Joseph von Feldtenstein, a dancing master in Braunschweig. It is clear from the description that, contrary to a minuet or contredanse, the Deutscher did not need dance instruction, a "supple and loose knee" being sufficient for the execution of its basic step "in three parts." The Deutscher's double step was easy to capture with three-part music, which Feldtenstein likened to the three blows of a blacksmith's hammer. The performance in the space was to be unrestricted and at the discretion of the dancing couple, meaning that it was not guided or otherwise regulated by the dancing master: "Each male dancer can steer his female partner according to his own liking, with circular turns and rounds." 5  sake of safety on the dance floor, the couples were merely required to maintain order, i.e. to move without jostling or overtaking other couples: "Also, each couple, especially in the German Dances, must remain in the order in which they begin. Dancing outside the initial circle is not allowed [...]." 6 An example of a similar performance of the Deutscher was described by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in his 1774 novel Die Leiden des jungen Werthers (The Sorrows of Young Werther). Goethe describes a sequence of dances at the dance party attended by young bourgeois society at a country estate (Lusthaus) on 16 June 1771. 7 Dances began with a group minuet followed by contredances and ended with a Deutscher, the latter holding special significance for couples in love, as it provided them with an opportunity for closeness while dancing. 8 Goethe described Werther and Lotte's dance as a German Dance consisting of a figure where the arms are interlocked in various ways (Straßburger), followed by the spinning of the couples (Walzen) and concluding with a few turns through the hall at a walking pace in order to rest. 9 Slightly closer in time and place to the Laibacher Deutscher is Georg Link's dance booklet printed in 1796 by the printer Franz Joseph Jenko in Celje, then at the southern border of Styria. The work is entitled Vollkommene Tanzschule aller Kompagnien und Bällen vorkommenden Tänzen 10 and contains twelve new English contredances (Contre-Tänze) with notations of pathways and figures, which are also graphically depicted on the accompanying copperplates. The Deutscher is not described by Link, but in his English contredances he mingled the figures of the contredances with those of other dances. In contredanse no. 10, for instance, he added two distinctive figures of the Deutscher, namely the Strasbourg figure of the interlacing arms above the head and the promenade in a circle.
Even more instructive is the English contredanse no. 11, where Link combined the minuet step and the two aforementioned Deutscher figures with those of the contredance, but with the difference that instead of the usual promenade he prescribed a German turn (deutsche Tour) in a circle with spinning of the couples (Walzen). There is no music included in Link's manual, but the example of contredanse no. 11 shows that at the turn of the eighteenth to the nineteenth century the minuet step was easily replaced by the waltz step during the dance. It is also clear from Link's description that he understood "Deutsch" in two different contexts: the Strasbourg figures with the promenade (couples walking in a circle) and the Strasbourg figures with the German turn, which is performed by spinning in a circle. 11 Link's choreography strongly resembles Goethe's description, although his choreographic elements are described in brief and condensed form, whereas Goethe's text undoubtedly contains longer, free-standing dance passages.
Although no precise choreographic descriptions are available, a variety of sources permit us to identify some characteristic features of early Deutscher, before 1800. It is a social dance, in pairs, and possesses at least three characteristic elements: a promenade or circling of the couple, interlacing of arms (Straßburger), and spinning (Walzen). The relative openness of the form is characteristic, as the choreographic structure of the dance was not standardised. More numerous and eloquent than the choreographic descriptions are the critiques and moral concerns regarding German Dances. 12 The sources are full of warnings, prohibitions, and expressions of distaste. Critics were disturbed by the morally questionable close physical proximity of the dancing couple and what they considered to be wild dancing, especially spinning, deemed unhealthy. Although many of these concerns seem trivial and excessive today, the fact remains that the Deutscher's character differed significantly from the graceful, refined and elegant salon dances of the time, and was even further removed from the restrained and rigid minuet, whose every aspect was strictly regulated. 13

The Deutscher in Vienna
Research surrounding the dynamic evolutionary processes of German Dances shows that the evaluation of a single source does not lead to clear results. Clearer lines of development only emerge through the synthesis of a wide variety of documents, as, for example, the studies of the researcher Reingard Witzmann. Witzmann was able to establish that references to the Deutscher as a specific dance form began to appear more frequently in Vienna shortly after 1760, whereas in other parts of the Habsburg Empire, mentions of the Deutscher increased in number only after 1800. Both in Vienna and beyond, the sources clearly associate Deutscher with the bourgeois milieu. 14 From the end of the eighteenth century onwards, the characteristic image of the Deutscher took shape in the cities, where numerous composers, some still known to us today and others fallen into oblivion, catered to the needs of a dance-hungry society with fresh, new compositions. In his notes dating around 1760, the Viennese linguist Valentin Popowitsch (Popovič), a native of the Celje area, distinguished between two forms of German Dances: the Deutscher, which he equates with the Steirisch, and a group of dances he calls the Ländlerische Tänze. Despite the misleading name, the latter are in fact the so-called Walzen ("danser à la Allemande"). They are characterised by jumping and spinning ("Hüpfen und Drehen"), which was also popular among the nobility in Popowitsch's time. However, the term "Steyrisch tanzen" was avoided by the upper classes as it did not sound sufficiently genteel. Couples did not circle in the Steyrisch in question, but rather, the female dancer moved in front of her male partner, who followed her, jumping and stamping his feet. 15 By Steyrisch, Popowitsch probably meant a more "folk" version of German Dances, whereas his Ländlerische Tänze were bourgeois dances. 16 These same dances were called Deutscher by sources a few years later.
In the last decades of the eighteenth century, and especially after the reforms of Joseph II, dance events were opened up to the wider society and enthusiasm for dancing consequently increased among the general population. The Deutscher then became one of the most fashionable and, in fact, one of the few dances at dance events, alongside the minuet and the contredanse. In line with the ideas of the Enlightenment, the strict regulations in dance halls were relaxed and every individual felt called upon to dance. 17 The speed of the Deutscher, especially while spinning, increased: from a leisurely pace soon after 1780, it gradually developed into the so-called Langaus in the years between about 1790-1810 18 and later into a waltz. These dances, which were also called Deutsche by the literati at the time of the Congress of Vienna (1814), are therefore nothing more than an independent element of the couples' spinning at an extremely fast tempo. Already in the Langaus, the dancing couple separated themselves from the precisely defined and regulated order of the group's choreography. The dance thus lost its representational character and became a source of entertainment. While the older form of the Deutscher around 1760 still shows the initial position of the couple side by side, in the Langaus and later in the waltz, the position of the couple is closed, the female dancer and her partner standing facing each other.
In Vienna, the Deutscher seems first to have lost the figure of interlocking arms (Straßburger) soon after 1770, and subsequently the previously characteristic promenade of couples in a circle. The spinning became the only choreographic element of this dance. 19 The expression Deutscher was dropped once the circular path of the spinning couples also lost its significance, giving way to the practice of rotating around freely on the dance floor; the name Wiener Walzer thus appeared and replaced the Deutscher. However, the Deutscher did not completely vanish once the waltz flourished: it remained in the shadow of the waltz at least until the early 1830s, and the two dances continued to coexist for a considerable period. 20 From today's perspective, it is clear that it was the figure of spinning that had the greatest dance potential and therefore became independent and thrived on its own as the waltz. Rotation, which has been mentioned in connection with German Dances for centuries, 21 is an integral element of the Deutscher, but unlike the waltz, it is not its only figure. The transition between the two dances is smooth and subtle, which may explain why the dance compositions often appear 18 Erich Schenk, "Der Langaus," Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 3, no. 1 (1962) in the sources under both names. Although the Deutsche were probably already often danced as waltzes in the final phase of their existence, it is important not to be tempted by simplistic explanations of this complex historical phenomenon. 22 The question of whether the Deutscher originated in the countryside or in the bourgeois environment is answered by scholars in various ways. 23 Witzmann believes that it developed in Vienna and spread from there to the countryside, where it is still locally preserved in a fairly intact form. 24 The bourgeoisie by no means invented the dance, but they gave it a representative and socially acceptable form for the urban way of life.
What has been repeatedly overlooked in the research is that the Deutscher phenomenon may also be perceived as a response by German-speaking countries, especially Austria, to the French minuet. It was in the decade following the French Revolution that Franco-Austrian relations became more tense, reaching an all-time low during the War of the First Coalition (1792-1797). The period of the Napoleonic Wars also saw a rise in patriotism in Austria, reflected not least in the popularity of the German Dance. 25 To a certain extent, the Deutscher as a musical form takes its cue from the minuet, adopting the trio as its most obvious element.
The first printed sets of German Dances began appearing in Viennese publishing houses in the 1780s, the earliest being published by Christoph Torricella (from 1782 onwards), while performances of German Dances at Carnival balls in the Redoutensäle at the Vienna Hofburg are mentioned at least as early as the mid-1770s. 26 A look at the advertisements for printed music of Viennese publishers shows individual variations from publisher to publisher, but the trends regarding dance music on offer are clear: the Deutscher-waltz relationship is still dominated by the former in the first decade of the nineteenth century. After the Congress of Vienna, the ratio reverses in favour of the waltz. This is true, for example, of the publishing houses of Artaria and Giovanni Cappi (see Figures 1-2), 27 but not, for instance, of the publisher Sigmund Anton Steiner, where the Deutscher and the waltz were more equally represented at least until the end of the 1820s. Viennese publishers served the entire market of the Austrian Empire and therefore did not necessarily reflect the situation of the city. The earliest 22  independent waltzes were not offered by Viennese publishers until the first years of the nineteenth century. The popularity of the waltz continued to grow in Vienna at least until the end of the 1820s, reaching its first peak with the appearance of the Tanzkapellen of Joseph Lanner and Johann Strauss. It was only at this time that the Deutscher really disappeared from the dance and musical culture of Vienna. In the cities on the periphery of the Empire, including Ljubljana, its presence was established and its popularity grew only once it had begun its decline in Vienna, never subsiding until the early 1830s.   During the Congress, a number of dance events took place in the Redoutensaal of Ljubljana, although Costa only mentions a few of them explicitly in his diary. 32 Metternich's oft-quoted citation of the remark, which he had heard as early as mid-January, namely that dance events in Ljubljana were boring, should certainly not be taken literally. 33 After all, sources testify to Metternich himself having danced a Polonaise in the company of ministers, deputies and other members of the diplomatic corps at a gala ball in the Redoutensaal on 25 February 1821. 34 The mere presence of the imperial couple in Ljubljana over a period of several months instilled new confidence in the established socio-political order and strengthened the loyalty of the inhabitants to the monarchy. The repressive and authoritarian political stance and the attempt to impose stability are clearly reflected in the words with which Emperor Francis I is said to have addressed the professors of Ljubljana's educational institutions during his visit: Stick to the old, for it is good; and our ancestors did well by it, why should we not? There are new ideas in the air now, which I cannot and never will approve. Abstain from these, and stick to the positive; for I do not need scholars, 31 See Primož Kuret, "Kongresno leto 1821in Gašpar Mašek," in Maškov zbornik, ed. Edo Škulj (Ljubljana: Družina, 2002, 27-39. 32 Soirées dansantes on 29 January, 5 and 20 February and Freiball on 25 February 1821, for which 650 tickets were reportedly sold. Holz, Ljubljanski kongres, 164, 166-167, and 170-171. 33 "We even have public entertainments, such as two masquerade balls a week, the first of which, it is said, was not very amusing; among forty-five men there was a woman who had fallen asleep in a corner of the hall, which does not do much credit to the gallantry of those gentlemen." ("Wir haben sogar öffentliche Vergnügungen, wie z. B. zwei Maskenbälle in der Woche, deren erster, wie man behauptet, nicht sehr lustig war; unter fünfundvierzig Männern befand sich eine Frau, die in einer Ecke des Saales eingeschlafen war, was die Galanterie jener Herren nicht viel Ehre macht.") Metternich-Winneburg and Klinkowström, Aus Metternich's nachgelassenen Papieren, 425. 34 "The ball was very splendid; all the high lords and ministers present, with the sole exception of the sovereigns, glorified the ball. It was truly a most delightful sight to see all the high lords in festive attire, adorned with their decorations, and no less pleasing was the cheerfulness that prevailed at the ball and the condescension with which the distinguished guests anticipated the citizens of the city. Almost all the ministers, envoys and other present diplomatic persons, even Prince Metternich, joined in a Polonaise." ("Der  These words may not be authentic, but they nevertheless clearly reflect the spirit of the attitude of the monarchical authorities of the time, which, since the French Revolution and the defeat of Napoleon, had been trying to re-establish and consolidate the old political order. Which of the social dances, apart from the Deutscher -the German national dance -could better express the political ideas of the time? The consolidation of Austrian national consciousness is thus reflected in dance, especially among the population on the periphery of the Empire. While the waltz was still considered a fairly new dance craze, the French Quadrille had been pushed aside and the French minuet had long been losing its former glory: from this point of view, it is not surprising that it was the Deutscher that became the most widely represented in the 1820s and, at least for a decade after the Congress, the most popular dance of social events. Unfortunately, the dance schedules of the public dance events during the Congress of Laibach have not been preserved or remain undiscovered. From the advertisements of the composer Caspar Maschek (Gašper Mašek) in the Laibacher Zeitung, it is possible to glean a rough idea of the repertoire played at dance events. In fact, Maschek offered in his piano scores the very music for the dances that resounded in the ballrooms during the Congress. First, he cites four sets of Deutsche Tänze, adapted from themes from Rossini's Il barbiere di Siviglia (The Barber of Seville), a work that had just been staged in Ljubljana, and La gazza ladra (The Thieving Magpie). The advertisement is followed by a series of fashionable dances, mostly group dances: waltz, Monferine, Polonaise, Contradanse, Mazur, Cotillon, Ecossaise and Tempête. 35   Although the Deutscher was already known in Ljubljana before the Congress, composers had not yet named pieces written before 1821 Laibacher. 37 The earliest Deutsche from the Music Collection of the National and University Library (Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica -NUK) in Ljubljana are anonymous. The oldest example, probably dating back to the end of the eighteenth century, consists of a set of twelve Deutsche with trios and is preserved in an undated manuscript and simply called Teütsche. 38 These are followed by Wienner Deutsche and Grazerische Deutsche from 1808. 39 The Wienner Deutsche is a set of five and the Grazerische Deutsche is a set of twelve anonymous Deutsche with trios. Another set of seven anonymous Deutsche with trios from 1809, 40  The year 1821 was a turning point for the Laibacher Deutscher. The surviving musical sources show beyond doubt that the awareness of belonging to the city only matured during and after the Congress. From then on, advertisements for printed and manuscript sets of dance music appeared regularly in the newspapers, and by the early 1830s it was the Deutsche that dominated among them. Interestingly, the first set of the so-called Laibacher Deutsche to be offered on the music market was actually by the composer Ferdinand Kauer, who, according to the available information, did not even visit Ljubljana but was active in Vienna. What is even more unusual is that in this case it is not a musical print, but manuscript copies that the composer offered to interested parties in his apartment in Josefstadt, then still a suburb of Vienna (see Appendix 2, no. 12). Were these dances intended for performances in Ljubljana, or did the Congress serve as a trigger, heightening Vienna's interest in Ljubljana?
Among the approximately fifteen composers, some foreign but mostly local, whose work contributed to this dance-musical form, Caspar Maschek's prominence was facilitated by his theatrical background. Maschek, who had moved to Ljubljana from Prague via Bratislava (Preßburg) and Graz, arrived in Ljubljana as Kapellmeister of the Estates Theatre at the beginning of the 1820/21 opera season, just a few months before the start of the Congress. Most of his dances are adaptations of operatic songs, mostly from Rossini's operas. 45 The mention of this famous opera composer, and featuring him on the covers of Deutsche, can be interpreted as a distinct marketing ploy to increase profitability. 46 Unlike other composers, Maschek did not publish his dances in print, but supplied the local music market with transcriptions, apparently employing professional copyists. He did not offer exclusively his own compositions in advertisements, but also works by other composers. 47 While most of the surviving or now only attested sets of Deutsche were intended for dance events in the Redoutensaal, the Estates Theatre, or at the Laibacher Schießstätte (Ljubljana Shooting Range), they were also performed regularly during intermissions of operas and theatre performances. 48 That this was not just a short-lived phenomenon is also shown by the record of the performance schedule at the Estates Theatre as late as 14 January 1836: "During intermissions, new Redout-Deutsche are performed by the entire orchestra." 49 It seems that the performances served as a kind of background music and entertainment in the theatre and, of course, also as a promotion of the latest fashionable dances and their composers. Despite the oddity, such performances between the acts of theatre plays were not entirely unique in Ljubljana and were at least occasionally mentioned in other cities as well. 50 45 Il Barbiere di Sevilla (1821), La gazza ladra (1821), La Cenerentola (1822) In Ljubljana, apart from Maschek few other professional musicians composed Deutsche. Among these it is worth mentioning Leopold Ferdinand Schwerdt (c. 1770-1854), 51 who composed dances between 1815 and 1828, and probably also much earlier than that, after his arrival in Ljubljana (c. 1806). In fact, only one undated set of six Deutsche by Schwerdt survives in manuscript, but it is not titled as Laibacher and lacks the designations Redout-or Schießstatt. 52 In regard to their musical conception, these Schwerdt dances resemble the earlier Deutsche, and it is assumed that they were written for the Carnival dances (Theater-Bälle) at the Estates Theatre, or that they were also played there for self-promotional purposes between the acts of theatre performances. 53 Another professional musician was Georg Micheuz ( Jurij Mihevec) (1805-1882), who composed one of his first musical pieces in his sixteenth year at the time of the Congress of Laibach. 54 56 The composer dedicated his VII neue Schießstatt-Deutsche, advertised in transcriptions, to the same person as early as 1824. Micheuz regularly added the label Original to his compositions, perhaps to emphasise that they were original creations and that the dances did not include borrowed musical motifs from operas.
The majority of the Deutsche sets that have survived or have been documented come from the pens of amateur musicians, so-called dilettantes. Most of them were public officials from the nobility and the bourgeoisie. Some were active in one way or another in the Ljubljana Philharmonic Society. The first to be mentioned is the official Leopold Cajetan Ledenig (c. 1795-1857), who was most productive as a composer of Laibacher Deutsche exclusively for the Redoutensaal. His editions with sets of six dances are documented between 1823 and 1831, but only the 1824 edition (in manuscript) and three beautifully designed lithographs from the Graz publishers Johann Franz Kaiser and Ignaz Hofer (1827 remain. The 1829 edition was marked by Ledenig as the eighth volume, the 1830 edition as the ninth volume and his last known set of Deutsche from 1831 as the eleventh volume. The latter should probably have been marked as the tenth volume. If this numbering is correct, Ledenig published the first volume as early as 1822, but no mention of this has so far been found in the sources (see Figure 4). 57 Among the prolific composers of the Laibacher Deutsche was also Baron Louis (Ludwig) Lazarini, who contributed five volumes of Redout-Deutsche (1822-1825 and 1830) and two volumes of Schießstatt-Deutsche (1827 and 1830). 59 Among the members of the extended Lazarini family, this baron has so far not been identified beyond doubt, but it was probably Ignaz Ludwig von Lazarini-Zobelsberg (1799-1888), active in Graz as "K. K. Kämmerer 57 See Appendix 2, nos. 21, 25, 29, 33, 36, 39, 45, 49, and 53. 58 Digital Library of Slovenia, dLib.si (with kind permission). 59 See Appendix 2, nos. 14, 19, 20, 24, 28, 35, 48, and 57. und Gubernialsekretär" and the owner of estates in Carniola. Another possible match could be Ludwig von Lazarini-Jablanitz (1798-1856. 60 Individual sets of Redout-Deutsche were also contributed by the clerk Franz Seraphin Nepozitek (1828) Among the composers of Schießstatt-Deutsche, the names of Carl Suppantschitsch (Zupančič) (1826 and 1828) and S. T. Thomaschovitz (1829) also appear. 66 A special feature worth mentioning is an advertisement in the Laibacher Zeitung in which the Ljubljana music merchant Leopold Paternolli offered, in addition to the Deutsche by Leopold Ferdinand Schwerdt, transcriptions of Carniolan dances in German style, namely 6 Krainer mit Trio's (im deutschen Styl) in editions for piano, two violins, two violins and bass, and for orchestra by a certain Joseph Schwerd. 67 The question of whether the production of dance music in Ljubljana in the 1820s was in any way coordinated and whether the compositions of the Deutsche may have been commissioned by organisers of balls remains unclear due to the lack of sources. At least some of the sets were certainly created on the composers' own initiative, responding with their compositions to the demand and needs of the music market.
The surviving transcriptions and music publications of the Laibacher Deutsche often have artistically designed covers, most probably motivated by a desire to increase the representativeness and prestige of these publications. The dedications to certain persons or societies, be it the Ljubljana Hunters' Society or, more often, to ladies of the Ljubljana nobility and prominent bourgeoisie, also enhanced the significance of the sheet music editions. 68 Their names occupy the most prominent and often the most carefully designed central part of the covers. The dedication may derive from a variety of personal inclinations of the composer or publisher, but it often also has a clearly identifiable commercial value. Dedications to amateurs and ladies -extremely common in dance music releases in particular -are not only a tribute to a chosen person, but also a signal to the public that the works are suited to the musical tastes and performance abilities of this most numerous commercially valuable target audience. At the same time, works with such dedications were a priori exempt from public critical scrutiny. 69 By being chosen for dedication, the person to whom the work was dedicated in a sense also assumed responsibility for the quality and  Green,Dedicating Music,148. usefulness of the music, and at the same time the public was given the impression of a kind of review, as if the dedicatee had already heard and appraised the work before it was published (see Figure 5). 70 The rather consistent labelling of the Deutsche as Redout-and Schießstatt-, in addition to naming the location of the ballroom, was also a way of showing the social affiliation of the creators, since the Redoutensaal was maintained by the Regional Estates of Carniola, while the Schießstätte was the domain of the city and its inhabitants. The Laibacher Redoute, built in 1784, had its premises on the site of a former Jesuit school building, 71 which had been destroyed or at least badly damaged by fire a decade earlier. After 1786, a ballroom was erected in this building, and it was often also used to host concerts. 72 The building of the Shooting Society (Schützenverein), the so-called Schießstätte, situated in the then suburb of Poljane below the castle hill, also provided a venue for dance events. 73 The wooden building, dating back to 1737, was replaced by a brick edifice in 1804, which also provided the members of the Schützenverein with first floor premises for the annual Carnival dances. The building remained in use until the last quarter of the nineteenth century. 74 The organisation of the Carnival balls in the Redoutensaal was apparently the responsibility of the directorate of the Estates Theatre; alternately, balls were held at the theatre itself. 75 In Ljubljana the Deutscher was already equated with the waltz in its final period. For example, there is an interesting case of lithographed Laibacher Redout-Deutsche (if this is indeed an identical source) listed in the pre-order advertisements for Julius Fluck's Deutsche from 1831, while the cover of the print reads Six Valses avec Trio. 76 Strauss,Morelly,Lanner and Fahrbach. 79 The fact that the dance label, at least, was retained in Ljubljana for a few more years is also proved by a record in the archives of the local theatre directorate, which still in the 1838/39 season listed copying costs for the new Deutsche among the accounts of the dance events. 80 This looseness in naming is also evident in the examples which, even before 1821, refer to other related music and dance forms as Walzer. In the same handwriting as the two sets Redoutt Deutsche fürs Piano Forte by Carl Handschuh and Martin Schuller, 81 two more examples have survived in the National and University Library in Ljubljana, which show a broad rather than a definite use of the designation. The anonymous set Walzer fürs Piano Forte with five waltzes, 82 are most probably Ländler. The Strasburger Walzer fürs Piano Forte by the Kapellmeister Handschuh, however, is an interesting example of a set of five eight-bar melodies most reminiscent of the Steirische. 83 Judging by the preserved music of the Laibacher Deutsche, they certainly cannot be equated with waltzes. A prominent and recognisable element of the representative bourgeois Deutscher for performances at public dance events is the trio, which is rarely found in the waltz. 84  Sets of Deutsche are most often preserved in versions for piano, but the advertisements often mention other instruments (piano for four hands, string trio, orchestra, guitar, solo instruments with accompaniment). It is not possible to determine which of the versions are original and which are arrangements. The piano version has proved to be the most convenient and versatile, while the ensemble or orchestral versions have not been financially viable on the music market, neither for composers nor publishers. Dance and music lovers were often introduced to the latest dances at the piano in their home environment even before the start of the dance season. Dance music was not played on the piano for entertainment and leisure only. Sources often mention small dance gatherings with family and friends, 86 where the company danced to the piano accompaniment. 87 Although Deutsche are the most numerous of the surviving dance music from Ljubljana of the 1820s, this was certainly not the only popular dance of the time. At the annual public Carnival dances, an important addition to the evening was an entertaining dance game called Cotillion, performed to the music of the Ländler. For example, 13 Laibacher Redout Laendler zu Cottillions für das Piano Forte by Louis Lazarini, dedicated to the wellborn lady Wilhelmina Pruhl, have been preserved in manuscript in the National Library in Vienna. 88 The National and University Library in Ljubljana, however, holds a transcription of the set 9 Landler zu Cottillions by the same composer. 89 Apart from Deutsche, it is the Ländler that are most frequently mentioned in newspaper advertisements for new dance music.
In 1828

A Digression: the Deutscher in Graz
The appearance of the Deutscher in Ljubljana in the 1820s is not unique within the Austrian Empire at that time. While the dance had long ceased to attract much interest in Vienna, it enjoyed a similar popularity in neighbouring Graz, Klagenfurt and probably elsewhere. While the situation in these towns needs to be studied in more detail, a brief glance at the sources shows that performances of Deutsche by local artists at the annual Carnival balls in Graz predate Ljubljana by several years. The Grazer Zeitung began to publish advertisements for new sheet music editions on a regular basis no later than 1815. Given the geographical proximity and the close sociocultural contacts between the capitals of Styria and Carniola, it seems likely that this fashion came to Ljubljana from Graz. The fact that a considerable number of editions of the Laibacher Deutsche were printed by the Graz lithographer Joseph Franz Kaiser also testifies to the contacts between the two cities. One may conclude that the contemporaries in Ljubljana were very familiar with the dance music of Graz and the fashion trends there. Nataša Cigoj Krstulović has already pointed out that Maschek moved to Ljubljana from Graz, where he met the already established and popular Deutsche.  telligenzblatt zur Laibacher Zeitung, no. 16, February 7, 1828, 66;ibid., no. 7, January 15, 1829, 28;ibid., no. 21, February 18, 1830, 82. 95 The NUK, Music Collection holds prints of Hysel's Deutsche Taenze en potpourri from Franz Ferstl's publishing house, performed at the ceremonial installation of the Regional Governor Ignaz Count von Attems on 17 January 1821 in Graz, and the first part of the

The Distinctive Sound and Music of the Laibacher Deutsche
The Laibacher Deutsche are preserved exclusively in piano scores and not in versions for other ensembles mentioned in the advertisements. The orchestral voices existed only in manuscripts and were soon lost, as the dance music was topical and in use for only a short period of time.
Year after year, the music market demanded the production of new compositions. It is possible to get closer to the original sound by means of the instrumental markings, which are written in certain places in some of the piano scores, such as "mit 2 Klappentromp." in the trio of the fifth Deutscher, or "mit 4 Tromp." in the sixth Deutscher, where Lazarini accentuated the final dance of his 1827 Schießstatt-Deutsche by a four-part chordal sound of booming natural trumpets. 101 Natural trumpets were rarely used as solo instruments due to the limitations of their tonal range. 102 The fashionable keyed trumpet 103 offered the possibility of performing melodies with chromatic tones, as exemplified in the above-mentioned Lazarini's fifth trio in the chromatically descending tones of the melody D-C♯-B♯-B-A and its third doubling (F♯-E-D♯-D-C♯). The sound of the keyed trumpet was reminiscent of the oboe or clarinet, and critics often disliked the instrument. Felix Mendelssohn even described its sound as "like a trumpet castrato, so dull and unnatural." 104 The instrument was also used solo by Ledenig in the 1827 season in his third trio and fourth Deutscher (VI Laibacher Redout Deutsche samt Trios), and after the solo opening, after eight bars, he added the marking "Orchester". Like Lazarini, he concluded the sixth trio of his set with the marking "zwey Klappentromp." The trumpets were therefore not only typical of the Schießstatt-Deutsche, they were also in use in the Redoutensaal (see Appendix 1,. The given examples of Lazarini and Ledenig suggest that the representative Laibacher Deutsche, with brass and wind instruments, sounded louder and quite different from the later waltzes of Lanner or Strauss, where the strings took the lead in the orchestral sound. It seems that the Laibacher Deutsche have preserved the original sound of this music and dance form from the time of its heyday in Vienna. Johann Pezzl, in his literary sketch of Vienna (1787), described the carnival madness in the ballrooms in his description of the imperial Redoutensäle and mentioned the characteristic contrasting sound of dance music: "[...] one's ears are enchanted and captivated by fanfares of trumpets and drums, intermingled with the softer tone of a hundred musical instruments." 105 The larger halls in Vienna also had several orchestras per dance evening, and it would be interesting to know whether the organisers of public dances in Ljubljana could afford a similar luxury.
In the sets of Deutsche for the 1828 and 1830 seasons, Ledenig also mentions the trombone and the post horn (Posthorn), besides the keyed trumpet, whereas in Johann Carl Fischer's 1828 account the record of "Clar. in F" (clarinet in F or alto clarinet) appears. References to instruments in piano scores can also be found in Micheuz, who mentions a post horn in his undated set of Deutscher, and three trumpets and a horn in 1827. The question of whether the dance music of the Laibacher Deutsche might have been performed by military brass bands consisting of wind, brass and percussion instruments remains unanswered for the time being, but the markings of the instruments suggest that it was indeed the Militärkapellen that performed the music at the dances. 106 In this context, it is also interesting to note that in Ljubljana in 1826-1828, at the newly founded Philharmonic Society's music school there was much more interest in the lessons of wind instruments than in those of strings. 107 In terms of form, the surviving Laibacher Deutsche consist of a set of six Deutsche with trios, with the exception of one, which contains seven. 108 The Laibacher Deutsche occasionally have an eight-bar introduction at the beginning, 105 "[...]  marked Eingang, 109 Introduction 110 or Entrata 111 (see Appendix 1, no. 1). In only one case does the set end with a coda. 112 Without a special marking, the Deutsche sets by Micheuz 113 and Fluck begin with a shorter four-bar introduction. This serves as preparation for the dance, and arouses anticipation in the dancers. The independent introduction, quite often mentioned in foreign music prints of Deutsche, is not to be found in the Ljubljana sets. On the contrary, the coda as the conclusion of the set and a clear sign to the dancers that the dance is coming to an end is mentioned, at least in the advertisements of the Laibacher Deutsche sets, more often than it is actually represented in the extant examples.
The Deutscher is characterised by diversity (see Appendix 1). Its melodic, rhythmic and formal structure is anything but uniform. 114 While this fact complicates the analysis, it is its musical content rather than its form that determines the recognisability of the (Laibacher) Deutscher. Unlike the Ländler or the waltz, whose musical course is uniform and flows steadily from beginning to end, in the Deutscher it is constantly changing and shifting. The non-uniformity is obviously a reflection of the choreographic flow, which constantly encourages dancers to alternate between the two natural principles of tension and relaxation. This duality, in its physical realisation of the Deutscher in the nineteenth century, was composed of two permanent choreographic figures: the spinning of the couples in a closed posture and the promenade of the couples in an open posture. 115 The Deutscher's musical mood therefore fluctuates and transitions from one state to the other. The impermanenceperhaps a remnant of the Sturm und Drang movement of the late eighteenth century -is in fact its most distinctive characteristic.
The Deutscher can be described as a highly performative musical genre. The choreographic form is not standardised and varies from case to case and obviously also depends on the external circumstances of the specific performance (size of the hall, number of dancing couples, etc.). It is crucial that any changes in the choreographic flow be acoustically clearly identifiable, 116 which often leads to excessive explicitness. For example, calm melodies are often stopped by a sforzando, chromatic melodic progressions, or diminished chords before their conclusion. The waltz's recognisable "oom-pah-pah" accompaniment suddenly stops and resumes with full chords, modifyng the flow. At times, the sonic fullness of the chords is also brusquely interrupted by one-note octave progressions, as if the boisterous sound and choreographic spinning needs to be quelled (see Appendix 1, no. 3). The Deutscher's music-dance dramaturgy is based on contrast, which also emerges from the music, with its constant alternation of piano-forte dynamics. The gentler melodies in the trio (often marked dolce, con amore, con sentimento, or leg[g]ermente) are interrupted by the more boisterous passages indicated by the tutta forza marking. 117 The sudden change of structure very often appears right at the beginning of the trio's second part (see Appendix 1, nos. 3, 6-9).
The melody and rhythm of the Deutscher often use stylised Ländlertype and old-waltzlike melodic elements. Ländler-like melodies are easily recognisable by the fragmented rhythmic progression of the quavers, which mostly have a characteristic harmonic sequence in the first part of the eightbar period (T-T-D-T/T-T-D-T) as well as in the following part (D-T-D-T/T-T-D-T) (see Appendix 1, nos. 7-8). Waltzlike melodies are recognisable by the characteristic initial rhythm of the minim with a crotchet (see Appendix 1, nos. 10-11). Walter Deutsch describes the variety of melodic structures in the Deutscher, which can resemble Ländler, minuet or waltz, as the most characteristic moment of this dance: "The 'reminiscences' of the Ländler, minuet and waltz were probably the link that supported the diversity of the Deutscher, a diversity in which ever new expressions of firmly established musical ideas are being realised." 118 Deutsch points out, however, that the similarities in melodic structures and formal elements cannot be considered a typological correspondence or any evidence of evolutionary processes in which one dance form developed from another, but rather a reflection of the general musical style at the time of their appearance: "Occasional occurrences of similarities in melodic shape and form between minuet, Deutscher, Ländler and waltz can only be explained by the style of the time and cannot be interpreted as typological agreement." 119 The fanfare introductions, which occasionally appear in the transitions, give the music and dance form an air of grandeur, gravitas and sometimes pomposity, and in their musical content they refer to the tradition of the minuet. Mozart's 117 Lazarini, VI Laibacher Redout Deutsche, 1830. 118 "Die 'Reminiszenzen' an Ländler, Menuett und Walzer waren wohl das Bindeglied, das die Mannigfaltigkeit des Deutschen stützte, eine Mannigfaltigkeit, in der immer wieder neue Ausprägungen festgefügter musikalischer Ideen verwirklicht werden." Deutsch, "Der 'Deutsche'," 25. 119 "Fallweises Auftreten von Ähnlichkeiten in Melodiegestalt und Formverlauf zwischen Menuett, Deutschem, Ländler und Walzer kann nur aus dem Zeitstil erklärt werden und nicht als typologische Übereinstimmung gedeutet werden." Deutsch, "Der 'Deutsche'," 23. experience of writing dance music for the Viennese Groβer Redoutensaal had already led him to realise that in a large hall with a crowd of people, the minuets and Deutsche had to be louder 120 and, above all, had to signal the beginning of the dance with a more percussive and resounding introduction. In the trio of the minuet and later the Deutscher, a more elegant dance character comes to the fore, as the Deutscher has adopted from the minuet practically all the elements that have proved useful and effective in ballroom dance practice. The upbeat cannot be described as a hallmark of the Deutscher, but all Laibacher Deutsche begin with it. It varies according to the basic character and melodic structure of the given phrase. An upbeat may consist of a crotchet, two quavers, three quavers, or a quaver triplet.
From the surviving examples of the Laibacher Deutsche, it is clear that the entire set was performed as a series at dance events. The tonalities of the individual dances in the set are often carefully chosen for tonal affinity, often in the order of the circle of fifths. Even throughout the set, there is a deliberate dramaturgy in the flow, as the basic character of the individual dances changes and develops, from the usually chordally accentuated and boisterous first and last dances, to the slightly more lyrical intermediate movements, with the emphasis on a more tuneful melody or, for example, a Ländler-like harmony with prevailing broken chord melodic passages.
It is not possible to discern from the surviving music the number of repetitions of individual dances. The composers probably left this decision to the performers and the circumstances of the moment. That there were several repetitions of one dance before the beginning of the next is suggested, for example, by Ledenig in his Redout-Deutscher of 1830. At the end of the first trio he wrote: "Each repetition of the first Deutscher starts from the Entrata." 121 From today's perspective and the aural familiarity of the minuets often performed in modern times, it seems self-evident that the first part should be repeated after the trio and that the Deutsche, like the minuets, were performed in the sequence A-B-A. Was this also a given for nineteenth-century musicians, dancers and listeners? Except in the case of Micheuz's Schießstatt-Deutsche 120 Johann Pezzl says that while the Redoutensäle in Vienna were better attended when they were founded, in recent years people prefer private dance events and picnics. Nevertheless, the Redouten are still quite glamorous, especially in the last weeks of the carnival season: "Wenn nur tausend Personen da sind, ist es zu einsam. Anderthalbtausend Köpfe machen eine bequeme Redute, in diesem Fall ist eben noch Raum genug zum tanzen. Zweitausend verstellen den Tänzern schon den nöthigen Plaz [sic]. In den letzten Tagen, wenn sich die Freudenjäger bis gegen dreitausend einfinden, dann ist man in der Presse." Pezzl, Skizze von Wien, 516. ("If only a thousand people attend, it feels too lonely; 1,500 dancers make a nice Redout, and with that number there is still enough room to dance. With 2,000 there in no longer room to dance properly, and in the last few days, when there may be up to 3,000 pleasure seekers, it is a real squeeze.") Quoted in McKee, Decorum of the Minuet, 85-86. 121 "Bey jeder Wiederholung des 1 ten Deutschen wird von der Entrata angefangen." Ledenig, VI Laibacher Redout Deutsche (1827), 1.
of 1825, where the end of every Deutscher was marked with fine and da capo (A-B-A) came at the end of each trio, this kind of sequence is not really apparent in the notated music. In fact, the trio often has a different tonality to the Deutscher, most often the two parts are in a dominant relationship, but the trio is often also in a tonal relationship with following Deutscher and the transition to the next dance also makes sense. In Lazarini's Redout-Deutscher of 1830, the fine marking can only be found at the end of the last trio, and Bosizio's Deutscher of 1831 even has these markings in the central part of the trio. Mozart's handwritten note in the autograph of his German Dances KV 509 of 1787 may help clarify the standard sequence of repeats in the Deutscher. On the reverse, Mozart wrote that each Deutscher had its own trio or -as he called it -Alternativo. After the Alternativo, he repeats the Deutscher and then plays the Alternativo again before the next Deutscher follows. 122 The standard form of the Deutscher would then be A-B-A-B. This is certainly feasible and plausible for most of the Laibacher Deutscher, but it seems that a different sequence of repetitions is also possible. Even within a single set, the dances often differ from each other in the length of the periods, the placement of the repeat signs and the places marked da capo and fine.
Is the number of bars or the length of a piece at all indicative of the choreographic flow? It seems that the choreographic segmentation in the Deutscher does not coincide with that of the music, just as, for example, in the minuet, the six-bar choreographic Z-or S-figure does not correspond to the eight-bar periods in the music. However, the analysis of the music with its contrasting parts shows that the spinning of the Deutscher was probably performed at short but frequent intervals.
To summarise, the music of the Laibacher Deutscher shows a remarkable variety of musical ideas and compositional practices. The music may seem simple at first sight, yet its most important quality is precisely the functionality, which had to prove its usefulness on the ballroom floor.

Conclusions
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Slovenia witnessed a remarkable rise of national ideas, which in the twentieth century escalated into an extreme aversion to anything that might resemble the once flourishing German culture. These ideas led to the rejection of the German Dance of the 1820s, which quickly faded into oblivion. To this day, the Laibacher Deutscher has not attracted much interest among researchers of the musical past, although, for various reasons, it proves to be an extremely interesting phenomenon when studied in more detail.
The dance form of the bourgeois Deutscher took shape and reached its peak of popularity at the end of the eighteenth century in Vienna. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, as the waltz became increasingly vogue in the imperial capital and interest in it waned, the Deutscher's popularity in other parts of the Habsburg lands, most notably in Graz, grew. Ljubljana could not have adopted this dance fashion from Vienna, but was probably inspired by the Styrian capital. The Deutscher came to life in Ljubljana at the latest in the spring of 1821, immediately after the Congress of Laibach. The Laibacher Deutscher is a late phenomenon in the wider context, and Ljubljana was probably one of the last cities where this dance flourished.
The Laibacher Deutscher can be characterised as a cultural product of a specific diplomatic event, the Congress of Laibach -it is certainly evident that it represents a direct socio-cultural response to the political situation of that time. The Deutscher, the most fashionable dance of the 1820s in Ljubljana, also served ideological purposes in the decade following the Congress, thus reinforcing the allegiance to German culture and the old political order.
The name Laibacher Deutscher in the 1820s also sounded like a trademark to promote the city and the composers active there. This dance further reflects the vibrant cultural and social pulse of the city and also the increasingly diverse music market. The new compositions offered each year by various composers did not only serve as dance music for public dance events, but their use was in fact much more varied. For example, they were performed for entertainment during intermissions of comedies staged in the theatre, and amateur musicians played them in their own homes on the piano or in small chamber ensembles for amusement and entertainment. No doubt, there was often dancing to this music in private homes.
The production of Deutscher music is also an interesting phenomenon from a social point of view, since at first sight it seems simple, functional music, where no in-depth knowledge of the musical phrase is required. At the same time, the form has clear regularities and character, the knowledge and mastery of which is essential for composition. Deutsche were not only composed by professional musicians, but also, and above all, by many amateurs from the bourgeoisie and the lower nobility.
Although there are no descriptions of the choreographic structure of the Laibacher Deutscher, a study of the wider context and, above all, an analysis of the music clearly shows that this dance form was by no means identical to the waltz. However, the waltz, which became increasingly popular over time, certainly played a decisive role in the decline of the Deutscher and also erased its traces in Ljubljana.
A large number of sets of Deutsche, created in Ljubljana in the 1820s, are known today only from the advertisements of music publishers in the newspapers of the time. This genre of functional music, originally intended for one carnival season at most, has often been lost over time. Finally, the paper aims to draw attention to the array of preserved manuscripts and printed dance music, today part of the rich collection of this period, held in the Music Collection of the National and University Library in Ljubljana, but so far poorly researched by scholars and barely acknowledged by the general public.